Saturday, 5 September 2026
Ewald Janssen, Stab I./SG 4 - 300th combat sortie - Bundesarchiv photo report #15
Friday, 4 September 2026
Breguet Bizerte in the Luftwaffe
The Breguet 521 Bizerte was descended directly from the British Shorts Calcutta ( the military version was named 'Rangoon') after Breguet purchased one example and built four more under licence, after Louis Breguet acquired a factory in Le Havre in 1929 (nationalised in 1936). The aircraft were delivered in 1932-33 and assigned to escadrille 3E1.The French Marine Nationale had previously bought a Calcutta directly from Shorts in Rochester, Kent. The Bizerte was the 'francisation' of the Calcutta and first flew in September 1933. Around 37 examples were constructed, the last three - still incomplete in June 1940- delivered directly to the Luftwaffe during 1941. The ungainly "nose" was designed for observation tasks while the aircraft was in flight. Note the defensive position to the right of the cockpit. The machine above is still displaying its French tail livery and has yet to receive Luftwaffe markings, a task that was hurriedly accomplished as the Germans had an urgent requirement for air-sea rescue seaplanes along the French Atlantic and Channel coastlines.
Sunday, 30 August 2026
The Fighter Pilot from Ratibor - Herbert Kutscha
" The Fighter Pilot from Ratibor Herbert Kutscha Turns 70 " from Jägerblatt (May 1987)
Luftwaffe book review - former Kommandeur of III./JG 7 on Mano Ziegler's book 'Turbinen-Jäger Me 262'
Sinner raised objections regarding the draft excerpt sent to him, but these were disregarded. Consequently—as he wrote to Ziegler on December 7, 1977—"knowledgeable readers could form completely erroneous impressions regarding the objective (Zielsetzung) and content of my contribution."
"What bothers me most is Chapter 17; I had expressly requested its omission or a proposed revision," Sinner continued. He found the section titled "The Knight's Cross Invention" (page 165 of the aforementioned book) completely baffling; he had specifically pointed out in a conversation that, due to the lack of this decoration—which was practically part of the standard uniform for fighter wing commanders (Jagdflieger Kommandeure) —he was initially denied a command position upon his transfer to JG 7. In his letter to the Jägerblatt editorial staff, Rudolf Sinner offers the following assessment of the book:
"..What is reported here regarding the aircraft's deployment is a patchwork—served up in a superficial and slipshod manner—featuring spurious highlights and absurdly skewed priorities. The descriptions of the operational environment and the commentary on fighter operations in general—and the fight against the four-engine bombers in particular—reveal that Mr. Z. never experienced this crap firsthand (..diese Scheiße..) My point, for instance, that virtually all fighter pilots in Reich Defense units would have gladly switched from their 109s, 190s, and 110s to the 262 - despite certain teething problems - because this aircraft—due to its superior speed and concentrated firepower—offered greater safety and represented a lifeline for many who flew until the very end, remained incomprehensible to him. It was impossible to dissuade him from the exaggerated portrayal, both in terms of length and dramatization, of the dangers that simply flying the 262 supposedly entailed, even though these dangers were hardly worth mentioning compared to the risks (as operations demonstrated) that combat inevitably brought, even with this aircraft—not to mention the old "Otto fighters."
Saturday, 29 August 2026
Bf 108s in England, May 1937 - the Isle of Man air races
This Eduard Bf 108 finished as D-IHDD race number '22' in racing blue was seen on the competition tables at the recent US Fort Wayne IPMS Nationals. According to some, Messerschmitt Bf 108 B Taifun with registration code D-IHDD is 'famous' for participating in the 1937 Manx Air Derby (Isle of Man Air Race) in May 1937. (The Isle of Man is strictly speaking not part of the UK or England, but a British 'Crown dependency') Due to its unique historical racing livery, D-IHDD is a popular subject for modellers and it featured as a primary markings option in the Eduard Bf 108 Weekend Edition (1:48 scale). But was race number '22' really D-IHDD? Unfortunately not.....
Two Bf 108s took part in the 1937 Isle of Man air rally (Manx Air Races) entered by the Aero Club of Germany - these were D-IOSA (race number 21) and D-INKY. D-INKY was in fact the 'real' race number '22'. The aircraft were flown by (Major) Hans Seidemann and Ernst Gerbrecht. Seidemann was declared winner (after a delay and in somewhat controversial circumstances) of the London to Isle of Man race that took place on 16 May 1937; according to the Ronaldsway airport (Douglas) Isle of Man web page;
"...The crowds at Douglas, waiting for the first arrivals timed for 3 p.m., were to be disappointed and they only saw five machines across the finishing line.. A. M. Henderson (Monospar) was in front closely followed by Captain Higgins, A. V. Harvey (Comper Swift), H. J. Wilson (BA Eagle) and R. C. Hockley (Aeronca). But, amazingly, Major Seidemann was the first to arrive at Ronaldsway, landing at 3.22 p.m. As he had missed the finish line in Douglas Bay he was excluded. He immediately took off again and flew to Douglas. This resulted in a protest being lodged with the Stewards who held three meetings over the weekend to sort things out. It was not until Monday morning that they announced the final placings, declaring Major Seidemann the winner as he had been the only competitor to be recorded at Maughold Head. He was of course delighted to be taking the Challenge Cup back to Germany, claiming it was ‘better to race in peace than in war’.."
Three Bf 108s returned for the 1938 races - again no D-IHDD. The machines were D-IDNT (race number 26), D-IOSS ('27') and D-ICIS ('28') . The three Bf 108s were accompanied over England by the AGO Ao 192 Kurier, registration D-OCTB. Photographs of these machines in the UK are extremely rare and usually of poor quality. The images shown here are reproduced from the Manx Aviation museum archive.
Friday, 28 August 2026
Eduard Bf 109 K-4 in 1:72nd from Michel Wilhelme
Sunday, 23 August 2026
De-mining the Danube - Minensuchgruppe 1 (MSGr 1) by Peter Kassak
The Luftwaffe's Minensuchgruppe 1 (MSGr 1)—widely known as Sonderkommando "Mausi"—was a specialized airborne mine-sweeping unit formed in late 1940 to trigger and detonate British magnetic sea mines using modified Junkers Ju 52/3m aircraft fitted with massive electrical energizing rings. "Mausi" was short for Magnetspule or magnetic coil. Peter Kassak provides some details of mine-clearing operations flown by the Luftwaffe's specialist Ju 52 mine-sweepers along the Danube as the Allies sought to interdict German oil supplies ..
The recent hot weather throughout Europe (summer 2026) has caused a significant drop in river water levels - even in one of the largest rivers in Europe, the Danube. And the low water levels have exposed some long-hidden WW II relics. Aside from the wrecks of ships in Serbia, or Hungary, there was also ammunition of various types located on the banks of the river. In the southern Slovakian part of the river (the river is a border between the Slovak republic and Hungary) two RAF mines were located and detonated on 3 August causing the suspension of river traffic on the Danube for several hours. Given the location near the village of Virt, the British sea mines most probably originated from the “gardening” mission flown on 29 May 1944 by the RAF's 205 Group and its 178 Squadron Liberator crews. The Wellington and Liberator crews had to sow their mines (hence the slang term 'gardening') at low level on moonlit nights, running the gauntlet of night fighters, flak and balloon barrages.
During WWII, the smooth functioning of the Danube river transport system was crucial for Germany, and its disruption was highly desirable. Two main options presented themselves to Allied planners in Italy. One involved the destruction of the oil refineries, port facilities and other infrastructure. The other required the interdiction of Danube river traffic by mining. Both options would be resorted to as the USAAF and RAF sought to cut Germany off from its much-needed Romanian oil.
The first attempt to disrupt Danube shipping was undertaken by the Russians in September 1941, when Soviet commandos penetrated the German lines from Bessarabia and dropped drifting contact mines in the river. These were however ineffective, damaging no ships although several were struck by them. Traffic was halted for 12 hours only. The first attempt by the Western allies to hinder the supply of Romanian oil to Germany was undertaken on 12 June 1942, when B-24 Liberators of the USAAF’s HALPRO detachment attacked the oilfields at Ploesti. However, the main “gardening” campaign was performed by RAF 205 Group between April to October 1944 and had the most impact. It is estimated that between April and October Allied mines caused a reduction of at least 60% in Danube priority traffic, while ordinary commercial traffic suffered still more seriously to the extent of complete interdiction in certain categories.
German counter measures involving the Luftwaffe were essentially two-fold - night-fighters were scrambled almost nightly with some noticeable results during late summer 1944 (also described in the latest book from AWP, "Nachtjagd over the Eastern Front"). The second counter measure involving the Luftwaffe was the deployment of mine-sweeping aircraft. MSGr 1 Ju 52s swept the river about four hours daily, usually in the early morning and again in the evening. These times were chosen because experience had shown that Allied fighter planes were least likely to appear then. It is believed that 165 mines were detonated by the aircraft.
Below; Ju 52 MS version flying over the bridge in Bratislava in summer 1944, source Dusan Bublik
DW 1 (Directional Wireless 1) was the RAF codename for a magnetically energized (degaussing) ring some 50 feet in diameter, fitted to some Mark I Wellington bombers and used to sweep magnetic sea mines by detonation. The aircraft flew low over the sea; the mines were detecting the magnetic field of the DW 1 and exploded accordingly. The crew of the Wellington were successful in destroying a magnetic mine on their very first sortie on the 8 January 1940 (aircraft was P2518 piloted by test pilot ‘Bruin’ Purvis, navigator Lt.Cdr. ‘Ben’ Bolt with Sq/Ldr. John Chaplin operating the gear in the fuselage). The Germans adopted the idea and fitted similar degaussing devices and rings to a number of Ju 52s. The Ju 52/3m g4e MS (Minen Sucher = mine finder) was fitted with a large Dural hoop braced beneath the wing and fuselage. This hoop was energized by an additional motor installed in the fuselage. The magnetic field generated thus triggered magnetically fused mines.
The advantage of the Ju 52/3m for mine-sweeping operations was that it was easy to bring into action at various locations, and over remote areas. It could search for mines that were undetected by conventional water-borne mine sweepers. But there were also disadvantages. The radius of effectiveness of each aircraft was only about 50 metres. Operations could not be undertaken in bad weather and low visibility because the strong magnetic field produced by the mine degaussing equipment caused on-board compasses to malfunction. And the aircraft’s armament was weak, and insufficient to defend the crew if attacked. However, the machine had an endurance of around four hours at an average speed of 180 km/h.
The M-devices featuring the huge MS ring (MS-Magnetspule) mounted under each aircraft were of course used for exploding magnetic mines. Other types of mines were acoustic. For sweeping , the so-called A-device (A for Acoustic) was used. Once installed in the Ju 52/3m, the acoustic device continuously changed channels and radioed various wavelengths, which triggered mines to explode. ELM/A mines were sensitive within 2200- 2600 meters and detonated at 600-800 meters from the source of the signal. ELM/A-St mines were sensitive within 600-800 meters and detonated at 200- 300 meters from the source. The signal wavelength was changed every 30 seconds, and was organized in 10 channels. In some cases, both magnetic and acoustic mines were dropped by RAF crews. Therefore combined formations of Ju-52/3m mine sweepers could be flown - aircraft carrying the M-device flew ahead, one aircraft carrying an A-device following. The distance between the planes varied according to flight speed and height, to prevent damage to following aircraft by the delayed detonation of a mine.
The unit tasked with minesweeping was Minensuchgruppe 1 (MSGr. 1) formed in October 1942. The task of the Minensuchverbände (mine searching units) was to clear sea and river water routes of mines. MSGr.1 comprised six independent Staffeln, which were active in various theatres of operations. To operate over the Black Sea and later the Danube, a 3. Staffel was established in Varna. From February to October 1944 it was registered as an independent 3. Minensuchstaffel, using Junkers Ju-52/3m MS aircraft. For the last two months of its existence, it moved to Neusatz. Each Minensuchstaffel consisted of 18 Ju 52/3m MS aircraft, of which 14 were so-called M-planes and 4 were A-planes. But between June and September 3. Staffel MSGr.1 had 24 aircraft on charge, due to losses and also greater operational demands. At that time, according to some sources, six planes were stationed at Budapest (Budaőrs airport), eleven in Belgrade and seven in Craiova/Walachei. The aircraft carried the code 3K+.
At the beginning of April 1944, the unit had only one aircraft, but received 17 more during the month. In June one aircraft was lost to US fighters. This happened on June 6 north-west of Turnu Severin, Romania, where 1st Lt. James W. Stegman of the 82nd FG/96th FS claimed a Ju 52 with a strange ring device under the fuselage. This correlates with the loss of Ju 52/3m MS W.Nr. 501313 at location 44°46’ N, 21°32’ E. Its crew consisted of pilot Lt. Oskar Fuhrmann, observer Flg. Heinz Rietzsch, Onboard mechanic Ofw. Franz Bußkamp and gunner Fw. Max Muchowski. All four were KIA. 3./MSGr.1 ended the month of June with 24 aircraft. Four more Ju 52s were lost through enemy action in July. Three losses occurred on July 4th, when three pilots, 1st Lt. Walther J. Carroll Jr., Capt. Richard M. Gangel and 1st Lt. Arthur W. Kidder Jr., all of the 96th FS, 82nd FG each claimed a Ju 52 with a ring device shot down north west of Craiova, Romania. The losses were however made up and the strength of the unit remained 24 aircraft. August brought one loss due to enemy fighters, which was replaced. The only recorded loss of this unit for August, however, was due to a mine explosion. It occurred on 4 August and three men on board the aircraft died. On 25 August 3. Staffel of MSGr. 1 moved to Belgrade from Rumania. September 1944 was a disaster for the unit as 10 Ju 52/3ms were lost due to enemy action, with three more in October. The only loss we could identify occurred on 5 October, when a Ju-52/3m MS was lost at Dunaremete at km 1826 at 16:04 hours. Again, the cause was a mine explosion. The four crew were killed (pilot Ofhr. Karl Matula, radio operator Uffz. Willi Hendler, mechanic Fw. Hermann Fritsch and gunner Uffz. Franz Dreßler).
Above; Karl Matula, pilot in a Minensuchverband, killed during a Danube mine-sweeping sortie with his crew at the controls of his Ju 52 on 5 October 1944. Sterbebild, source eBay.com
Tuesday, 18 August 2026
A Battle of Britain Emil - Oblt.Günther Schulze-Blanck
Unusually for a Battle of Britain Emil this Bf 109 E-4, “White 1” WNr. 963 of 4./JG 53, featured a small personal emblem under the cockpit in the form of a 'wasp'. It was regularly flown by the Staffelkapitän Oblt.Günther Schulze-Blanck. Schulze-Blanck led 4. Staffel of JG 53 during August 1940 to 9 September 1940 flying from Sempey in the Pas de Calais. During the afternoon of 9 September there were two large Luftwaffe raids on southern England and Schulze-Blanck was killed in a dogfight over Hastings. Reported MIA his body was washed ashore some two weeks later in France. In addition to the 'wasp', details of note on the Emil are the red stripe around the cowling, which was painted only in the period from the end of July 1940 to 20 November 1940. There are five victory markings on the tail fin. The first – not confirmed – was followed by claims on 13, 24, 25 and 29 August. Schulze-Blanck's last victory, returned on 6 September, does not appear here, thus dating the photo to the 29 August– 6 September time frame; the photo was taken on the airfield at Sempy in the Pas de Calais. Note the over-painted 'later 1940' mottle finish and the rear view mirror on the windshield as well as areas of white paint on the wings along with a white (?) rudder. The lower image from a recent Ebay sale shows what may have been an earlier JG 53 Emil (given the cowl 'ace of spades') also with the 'wasp' emblem below the cockpit - this 'white 11' was presumably also a 'white 1' flown by Schulze-Blanck but re-assigned to another pilot by simply adding another figure '1'...
More on the Luftwaffe Research Group and in JAPO's "German fighters in the West" (Stipdonk/Meyer, 2024)
AI Overview
Historical Context of the Red Markings
The Order: Hermann Göring ordered the unit's famous Pik As (Ace of Spades) emblem to be covered up or replaced with a red cowl band/stripe under disputed circumstances.
Prien's Analysis: Jochen Prien's seminal 1980 study (re-examined on FalkeEins) analyzed which aircraft carried these red ring markings.
Saturday, 15 August 2026
Fieseler Fi 156 Storch on offer at Eagles11.com
reproduced with the permission of warbird brokers Eagles11.com
.... as LN-WNS, and with just 90 hours flown, this much loved Argus-powered Storch is now looking for a new owner with an appreciation for detail and craftsmanship..."
Monday, 10 August 2026
Fw 190 Schlachtflieger an der Ostfront - SG 77, April 1945
A chapter in Jens Bechler's book 'Aufschlagbrand' (Volume I) kindly sent to me by Davy McKee focuses on some of the events of April 1945 around Dresden when the 'close-support' Schlachtflieger of SG 77 sustained heavy loses as its Fw 190 F-8s - some toting Panzerblitz anti-tank rockets - and Ju 87 Gs were heavily engaged in ground-attack missions against Soviet forces while USAF P-51s were overhead almost constantly.
Although the month of April 1945 opened with a period of poor weather that largely grounded Allied air forces, the end of the war was fast approaching. Luftwaffe pilot and aircraft losses were increasing from day to day. This was especially true of those ground-attack units flying almost constant operations against Soviet ground forces. One of these units was SG 77- in a four-day period in mid-April 1945 SG 77 lost a 'one hundred-kill' ace and three Ritterkreuz holders.
On 17 April, at Kamenz, Gruppenkommandeur III./SG 77 Studemann gave his orders to the individual Staffelkapitäne - all Staffeln were to get airborne. Pilots were already strapped in at cockpit readiness - for many it would be their last flight..A formation of 55th Fighter Group P-51s spotted the Fw 190s of 7. and 8. Staffeln getting airborne from the grass field - and the killing began. The Americans claimed ten Fw 190s downed and a further five damaged.At the controls of his Fw 190 F-8 'Black 9 +' Staffelkapitän 8./SG 77 August Lambert jettisoned his ordnance but in a running dogfight failed to evade his attackers. He was shot down near Hoyerswerda (north of Bautzen). He had achieved his 100th (aerial) victory earlier in the month. Lost with him was another leading SG 77 RK-bearer and Schlachtflieger - Lt. Gerd Bauer. He along with several others were killed in the dogfight 1 km north-west of Kukau near Kamenz. The crash site of Fw. Wolfram Szymanski (7. Staffel) was excavated near Kamenz-Thonberg in 2007 - the force of the 'Aufschlagbrand' was such that wreckage was found scattered over a 300-metre wide area. 9. Staffel pilot Ortwin Pech recalled;
On the following day, 18 April, SG 77 lost another Ritterkreuzträger. Hptm. Hans-Joachim Brand was Kommandeur I./SG 77. His Fw 190 was hit by Soviet flak in a dive and crashed at low altitude between Cottbus and Guben, in the Niederlausitz. Brand was a Battle of Britain Stuka veteran and had flown over 950 sorties including about 150 in the Fw 190.
According to one eye-witness account Brand was shot and killed while hanging under his chute. Uffz. Ewald Bauer remembered;
".. In the period we were at Alteno on 18 April the Kommandeur was shot down. I remember it well as we were all horrified and furious when those pilots that landed back reported that they had seen Brand jump clear of his machine only to then come under Russian ground fire as he hung under his chute.."
Uffz. Robert Mewis later wrote to Brand's widow;
".. we had been ordered to wipe out a Soviet motorised column with our bombs. A heavy curtain of fire attempted to keep us at some distance from our target. Your husband was leading our formation and launched into a long diving attack heading from East to West. I was some 200m behind him in the Rotte. As we pulled out of our dives we were in the zone covered by the light flak and your husband's Fw 190 received several hits at around 400m altitude and a heavy plume of smoke soon developed. He jettisoned his canopy. At that moment his machine started to break up, the fuselage splitting apart behind the cockpit. The Fw 190 instantly rolled onto its back and went into a spin before plummeting earthwards in flames. Your husband managed to fall away at about 300 metres. Because of the heavy ground fire I was unable to pinpoint where he came down. But I did see the chute open correctly - and it was undamaged. It was heading for some woods about 4 km from our target.."
Author and crash-archaeologist Bechler spend twelve months searching for a possible crash site without result. Brand is still listed as missing on German soil.
" during the night of 19-20 April the Russians had almost reached the airfield. Some time between 02:00 and 03:00 their first shells came down amongst our barrack buildings. We cleared out in a hurry and ran to our dispersals. Enemy fire continued. Three small reconnaissance patrols were sent out to scout the enemy's position and strength. Only two of them returned. Our ground crews slipped away under cover of darkness, while the pilots remained close to their machines. However heavy ground mist put paid to any early takeoffs. Only a small strip of marshland separated us from the enemy and we could clearly hear the engine noise of their vehicles. At around 06:00 our first machines managed to get airborne and immediately ran into the enemy. Other Fw 190s followed suit. Our maintenance hangars were already ablaze and we started to fear for our aircraft. When at around 09:00 our Stabsschwarm was finally ordered to get airborne the airfield was undergoing almost constant shelling. We set off straight across the field, so to speak, right through exploding shells, yet all four machines made it out unscathed. We could even see Russian tanks maneuvering around the burning hangars. At nearby Grossenhain we landed to refuel but as this base was under almost constant American Jabo attack we did not hang around and were soon airborne again. We flew past the destroyed city of Dresden into the Czech lands, where we landed in Pardubice.."
Sunday, 2 August 2026
'Struck through' swastika on late-war Fw 190s by Peter Kassak
by Peter Kassak - images via Peter Kassak and the Crow Collection
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Friday, 31 July 2026
In the skies of France, MS 406 in combat - 3 Me 109s downed in 15 seconds, 8 June 1940 - "la journée la plus glorieuse.."
To paraphrase David Méchin in 'Le Fana..' the Morane-Saulnier 406 is an aircraft that symbolises the French defeat of 1940. It was old, it was slow (only 400 km/h, rate of climb 12m/sec) and it was poorly armed (two machine guns and a cannon) - its magazines held just enough ammunition for a very short 10-second burst of fire. On 10 May 1940 some 400 of the 900-front line fighter strength of the Armée de l’Air were Morane 406s. It was the first 'modern' French fighter -a low-wing monoplane with retractable landing gear and an enclosed cockpit - to enter service. Designed in 1934 and making its maiden flight in August 1935, it was a contemporary of the fighters being developed by the other belligerents – the Messerschmitt Bf 109 and the Hawker Hurricane – whose prototypes, designed to very similar specifications, were flying at around the same time, give or take three months. Their performance was comparable, and the Morane 405 prototype was not entirely undeserving of the title ‘world’s best fighter’ bestowed upon it by the French press at the time. However, between the prototype’s maiden flight and the delivery of production aircraft, a race against time would unfold – one that France would lose amidst the turbulent economic and political climate of the 1930s: a production aircraft that was already obsolete, an industrial concern lacking the cash flow to modernise production lines, administrative delays within the ministry, procrastination by the air force’s technical departments, social unrest, and delays in deliveries from equipment suppliers. The Luftwaffe had already been using the Bf 109 for over a year before production models of the Ms 406 came into service, whilst production of the ‘Jumo’-engined Bf 109 was coming to an end just as large-scale production of the Morane was getting underway! Worse still for the French, production of the re-engined version of the Me 109 - the 'Emil' - which was technically far superior to the MS.406 was moving ahead more or less seamlessly. The French, however, proved incapable of producing the successor to the Ms 406 - the MS.450 - just as they proved incapable of producing even a simply improved version, the MS.410. By the time of the German attack, the French Air Force’s main aircraft was technically far inferior to its opponents and was one of the causes of the debacle that ensued… Just one cause, amongst many other failings on the part of the French Air Force.
By 10 May 1940 the Moranes were being replaced as fast as was possible by Bloch 152s (armed with two HS 404 20m cannon and two machine guns) and of course the D.520s which were then starting to roll out of the factory. GC III/2’s Moranes were replaced by Curtiss H-75s at the beginning of June. On 24 June only five Morane-equipped Groupes de Chasse were left among a total of some 24 Groupes de Chasse (about 17 % of the fighter aircraft, as re-equipped units mostly received 30-36 new aircraft instead of 24-28) and these, too, would have been re-equipped, mainly with D.520s, had not the campaign concluded as rapidly as it did. Although slated to convert to the new Arsenal VG. 33, GC I/2 started and finished the campaign on the MS 406.
The Morane’s low speed was in some instances not always an obstacle to catching up with formations of Luftwaffe bombers and even to carrying out several firing passes; but in unfavourable circumstances, the French fighter was not up to much. Cne (Captain) Robert Williame describes an attack led by GC I/2 on 1 June 1940 in his 1945 account 'L'escadrille des Cigognes' (or 'Stork squadron');
"..As soon as the bombers spotted us, they closed ranks. We were faced with a veritable fortress of 30 large aircraft. We were still 800 metres away when some sixty machine guns opened fire on us, leaving an impressive trail of white smoke behind the formation. Our slow closing speed and the distance at which the bombers had opened fire left us exposed to their fire for a long time. Unwisely influenced, we fired long bursts from too far away instead of delivering short bursts at close range, manoeuvring into sectors that were difficult for our opponents to hit. It was a failure.
The very next day, a similar mission brought us into contact with another German formation. There were six of us: the Coubé 'flight' with its three aircraft, Puybusque, Chalupa, and myself. We were waiting in the Pontarlier area, when Puybusque spotted a Junkers 88. Having dropped its bombs, it was returning to Germany heading north. Mechanical trouble must have forced it to break away from its formation and we could easily catch up with it - or so I thought. A brief pursuit showed us the futility of this, and we turned back to head for Pontarlier. Then almost immediately, seven Heinkel 111s appeared, coming from the south. I launched the attack; then I noticed some hesitation in my escort 'flight'. At that moment, 300 metres above the formation I was attacking, and 500 metres behind it, I saw four more Heinkels whose machine guns were firing at us. Coubé had mistaken them for twin-engined Messerschmitt 110 heavy fighters and had moved in against them with his patrol to protect us. During this manoeuvre, in the course of which he had had to gain altitude rapidly, he lost speed and consequently fell slightly behind the bombers. He was never able to catch up with them, despite a 100-kilometre pursuit at full throttle. I broke away from the formation of seven [Heinkel 111s] and started a firing run against the formation of four. The difference in speed between the Heinkels and the Moranes must have been around 10 km/h in our favour. From Pontarlier to Montbéliard, a distance of around a hundred kilometres, with the throttle wide open throughout and under almost constant machine-gun fire between passes, we were only able to make three attacks. Each of them ended within 100 metres of our targets. We could see our bullets and shells hitting them every time. Pieces of metal were being torn away. But not a single aircraft went down. And we had run out of ammunition. On his second attack Puybusque's machine caught fire. The hapless pilot struggled to jettison the canopy, frozen fast in the cold atmosphere but by standing on the seat and bent double he managed to push it away with his back. He jumped clear and came down some 10 km from the Swiss border.[...] On landing back in Damblain my 'Juliette III' was in a sad state..[..] That evening, CO Captain Daru told me that the commander of the eastern theatre of operations (France) was surprised that, following these last two days of 1 and 2 June, we had not shot down a single enemy aircraft. With tears in my eyes, I replied that we could not have done any better: of the three aircraft that had attacked, one had been set ablaze and a second seriously damaged by enemy fire. It was not our fault that our outdated aircraft prevented us from leading combat...”
Above; Cne Robert Williame (right) in early June 1940 in front of his MS 406 (No. 966) of the 'Stork squadron'. The words of Sgt Pierre Boillot, a pilot with GC II/7, sum up in a sentence what an MS.406 pilot might have felt; “..with the Dewoitine 520, you could engage in a dogfight, whereas with the Morane 406, you simply had to endure it.” On 8 June 1940 Williame thought he had made 'ace in a day' in an MS 406, downing Me 109s of JG 26 and Ju 87s of St.G 2- but some of his 'kills' were 'shared'. The 'best' day for the French fighter forces was 5 June with over 50 claims. The Moranes scored more victories than other types due mostly to their superior numbers and competent pilots. However, between September 1939 and the end of June 1940 the Luftwaffe aces shot down around 300-350 MS 406s, possibly more, approximately one third of total production..(Philippe via 'Avions')
On 8 June - five days after the launch of Unternehmen 'Paula', the large scale Luftwaffe assault on airfields around Paris intended to finish off the French air force - a three-aircraft patrol from GC I/2 led by Williame joined GC III/7 (equipped with D.520s) at Coulommiers airfield - crews from both units were soon scrambled on a 'destruction' mission over the sector Beauvais-Gisors-Persan-Beaumont, at an altitude of 4,500 metres, accompanied by Curtiss Hawks from II/4 providing top cover. Williame recalled:
“..Below us, the area south of Beauvais was ablaze, sending columns of smoke all the way to Paris that obscured the ground. Gisors was also on fire. There were fires everywhere – smaller in scale but numerous. It was a harrowing sight to behold. Suddenly, in the direction of Soissons, bursts of anti-aircraft fire caught my attention. I soon spotted a formation of some fifteen to twenty German bomber aircraft. Above and to the sides, numerous Messerschmitt 110s and 109s were accompanying them north-westwards. I headed towards them. Our escort was struggling to keep up. We had the sun behind us. I managed to position us behind a flight of three Messerschmitt 109s, which were part of a formation of nine aircraft flanking the southern quarter of the enemy force. I was able to get in closer and opened up at roughly the same time as Chalupa and Audebert. Both of us hit the Me 109 on the left, and then, on my own, I got the one in the centre from barely twenty metres. Both enemy fighters went into a spin and burst into flames. Pichon and Meunier saw the first one crash five kilometres north-west of Beauvais airfield, whilst, witnessed by Pichon and Audebert, the second suffered the same fate, at roughly the same spot. Seeing his leader and the other member of his patrol go up in flames, the third pilot made a slight turn to the right and spotted me twenty metres away from him. He fed in some rudder - two or three jerks - looking like a man who really didn’t know what he was going to do. I fired a burst at him. He went into a steep dive towards his own lines, spewing out a huge plume of smoke. Chalupa, Pichon and Meunier saw him just as I did, but no-one was able to witness his crash as more Messerschmitts were already trying to outmanoeuvre us. I glanced behind and above me. Our escort was no longer there. Perhaps they’d thrown themselves into the fray too and had done a good job? I never got to find out. I’d run out of ammunition. It was now a matter of getting us out of that hornet’s nest. We managed it without coming under attack and landed at Coulommiers...”
The Moranes flew a second sortie taking off in the evening for Soissons-Attichy, escorted by the D.520s of GC II/3. At around 19:45 two formations of gull-winged single-engine machines were intercepted over the sector - Stukas of St.G. 2. One of the Morane pilots (Sgt Jacques de Puybusque, seven victories) noted that the Ju 87s could manoeuvre well - both when defending themselves and they could 'attack' like fighters. But no fewer than six were claimed by GC I/2 shot down during this mission: Williame claimed two and a third shared and would subsequently be recommended for the cross of the Légion d'honneur for his leadership of the unit on this date. His 'score' on 8 June was the highest individual 'score' of a French fighter pilot during one day for the period May-June 1940 (aside from Le Gloan's exploit against the Italians). Two of the Morane pilots from the 'patrouille simple' of the second escadrille (Spa 103) were shot down: Adjt Streiff, the sole survivor, lost sight of his comrades during the dogfight. One of them, Lt Monty, was seen attacking enemy aircraft on his own: according to farmers’ accounts, he shot down two enemy aircraft before being shot down himself; the villagers of Longpont (Aisne) buried him in their village......















































