Thursday, 5 November 2026

Abschußmeldung Oblt. Heinz Gottlob, 1./JG 26

Claim Report, Combat Report, Aerial Witness Report via Heinz Gottlob.

 "...This report offers interesting details, including the commander's endorsement, the ammunition used, and more. I do not know if there are any former pilots who still possess original victory claim reports. Since I have a few, I have selected one where Priller served as my witness.. " 

 Heinz Gottlob, Oberleutnant 1./J.G. 26 Gefechtsstand/  Combat Post, 23 June 1941
Gefechtsbericht - Combat Report 
Take-off: 20:11 Mission: Alarmstart/Scramble, 
Landing: 21:04 

" I was flying in the top-cover Rotte for the Staffel (Deckungsrotte) when the Staffelkapitän attacked a formation of Spitfires. In the process, I saw three other Spitfires attempting to position themselves behind the Staffel. My Rotte and I launched an attack on these Spitfires. However, the Spitfires immediately recognized the attack and evaded it by turning very tightly. I maintained a position above the Spitfires, intending to wait until they broke off the turn and headed out to sea. However, I had to dive down beforehand because my own Rotte was being attacked from above. After shaking off that attack, I spotted a lone Spitfire flying northwest. The Spitfire was still over land at an altitude of 6,000 meters. I pursued it and managed to close the distance to 20 meters, as the pilot did not notice me at all. I then fired from below and behind using all weapons. I saw a heavy trail of smoke beneath the Spitfire's fuselage; furthermore, debris was flying off the fuselage and wings. The aircraft pulled up slowly and then stalled, falling off over its left wing. This stall repeated... ...passed over the left and right wings two or three times. Then the Spitfire plunged vertically downwards. To be certain, I positioned myself behind it during the dive and opened fire. However, I soon had to break off my dive because the speed was becoming too high. I continued descending in a shallower turn, watching the Spitfire until it struck the water. The pilot did not bail out."  Gottlob

 Abschrift/Transcript
 Priller, Oberleutnant - currently at Gefechtsstand (combat ops post) , 23 June 1941 1./J.G. 26 

 Luftzeugenbericht - Aerial witness report regarding the shoot-down by Oberleutnant Gottlob on 23 June 1941 (20:50) 

" Oberleutnant Gottlob, flying as the second Rotte in my Schwarm radioed that I was being attacked from behind. I pulled up into a left-hand turn and saw my cover (Deckungsrotte) gaining altitude over several Spitfires. I positioned myself above them and saw Oblt.Gottlob—who was now alone—get into position behind a Spitfire at very close range and open fire on it. The aircraft emitted a thick trail of black smoke and went into a spin. We followed, and I saw the aircraft crash into the sea approximately 8 km northwest of Calais."  Priller



Below;

Heinz Gottlob at Maquise during 1940/1 - note '100' octane triangle. In this engagement (referring to the 'downing report) he flew an E-7 (point 18). He used 300 MG rounds and 100 cannon shells (point 16, Munitionsverbrauch) having made one firing attack (point 10, Anzahl der Angriffe) from below and behind  (point 13, Takt. position) 



Also on this blog;


Wednesday, 4 November 2026

Labour shortages in the aviation industry, June 1943

 


A memo from the Milch papers in the RL 3 files 

State Secretary for Aviation / Inspector General of the Luftwaffe               June 19, 1943. 
7 copies
To be submitted to the Reichsmarshall

1.) The labour situation in the aviation industry is becoming critical. The drafting of essential German personnel into military service can no longer be offset. The total percentage of foreign workers has reached a level that cannot be exceeded without compromising both the quality and the volume of production. More than half of all productive workers are already foreign nationals. At the Junkers aircraft plants, work on the Ju 52 is currently overseen by only six German foremen and inspectors; everyone else is Russian. The BMW 801 is being manufactured by a workforce that is 75% Russian, and the Ju 87 by one that is 90% Russian.

2.) During the months of April and May, there has been no influx of German or foreign workers into the aviation industry; conversely, there has been a consistent and significant monthly attrition.

3.) I therefore request that the following be ordered: 

 a) All designers and technical draftsmen must be made available to the aviation industry since at the current time entire aircraft models/families are undergoing modification, with an improved design for various components. The primary bottleneck currently lies in the design and in the execution of specific tasks.

 b) Full exemption [from military service] is required for all: Toolmakers, Fixture builders, Gauge makers, Set-up personnel, Electricians, Foremen/Supervisors, Inspectors, Leading hands (foremen). 

 c) Authorization to recall up to 10,000 skilled workers from military service for the aviation industry, based on requests for specific individuals by name. 

 d) Full exemption for: 

 The Me 262 jet fighter,
 The 003 jet engine series, 
 Night fighters, 
 Bomb-aiming equipment from the firm Zeiss, 

 ...effective immediately, continuing through the end of 1944.

Friday, 30 October 2026

Fw 190s of 5./JG 26 - archive photo scan #55

 


To complement the images posted elsewhere here are few more from DAZ 40, an ECPA-D file featuring the activities of 5./JG 26 somewhere on the Channel front in late 1941. The aircraft are among some of the first Fw 190 A-1s into service - note the absence of cooling slots behind the engine. Staffelkapitän was Oblt. Wolfgang Kosse - with cap and neck scarf below - who flew 'black 10' with the WNr. 100 as seen in the photo. Kosse is pictured discussing signal cartridges with Lt. Horst Sternberg, who regularly flew 'black 13'. Click to view large...









Wednesday, 28 October 2026

Nachtschlachtgruppe 8 on the Eastern Front, March 1945

 



A summary of the activities of NSGr.8 for the month of March 1945, dated 31.03.45, and written up by Major and Gruppenkommandeur Johann Trnka  for his 'parent-command' 4 Fliegerdivision (BA RL 7-6/21)


 1) During operations on moonlit nights, sightings of individual enemy night-fighters were reported. However, these reports could not be confirmed with certainty. Recently, enemy anti-aircraft artillery has frequently appeared to use tracer ammunition at night. No enemy searchlight activity was observed in the front-line area.

2.) Own operational activity:

Over the course of the month, 178 Ju 87s, 6 Ju 188s, 4 Ju 88s, and 2 Go 145s were deployed across 7 operational days. The following ordnance was dropped: 61 AB 500s, 143 AB 250 SD 16s, 262 AB 250 SD 16s, 1 "Mark-rot 500," 5 "Mark-grün 500s," 4 "Mark-grün 250s," (target markers), 250 SD 70s, 19 SD 250s, 6 SC 500s, and 37 LC 50s.

The attacks targeted troop concentrations, artillery positions, and vehicle concentrations in the areas of Gorgast, Manschnow, Neu-Manschnow, Reithwein, Göritz, and Lebus, as well as routes leading up to the Oder crossings near Rathstock and Göritz.

Given the favorable weather conditions, the operations were carried out with the targets illuminated and marked by Ju 88 aircraft. As the targets were clearly identified by the aircrews and subsequent bombing patterns were observed, it can be assumed with certainty that the enemy suffered significant losses in both personnel and materiel.

3.) Notable successes

Following the attack on Lebus on 25 March 1945 (blog note : a small town in eastern Germany located approximately 80 to 90 kilometres east of Berlin, sitting on the west bank of the Oder River) the 712th Infantry [Division] reported:

"Enemy staging areas disrupted by bombs and artillery fire. Caused by bombs: Large fires in the centre of Lebus—likely fuel—and an ammunition depot destroyed. Casualties not yet determined.

The intended attack (detected via radio intelligence at 06:15) was thwarted. The bombs landed accurately— primarily on the eastern and northern parts of Lebus, but also across the rest of the area. Enemy anti-aircraft fire was minimal. Furthermore, it was reported via radio transmission: Enemy staging areas were shattered by bombs and artillery, preventing them from launching their attack. Fires and explosions—flames visible in Lebus.

The enemy is constructing trenches and field fortifications opposite our own main battle line (HKL). Enemy troops are regrouping throughout the entire sector. There is renewed artillery activity in and around Lebus.

Enemy artillery is ranging in on the main battle line and the area near the front. Constant enemy aerial reconnaissance. On 27 March, 1945, the Küstrin Fortress command reported: Our own ground-attack aircraft sorties were on target and provided significant relief. 

4.)  Specific operational findings:

a)

Coordinated attacks in Staffel strength (approximately 15 aircraft), led by a Ju 88 acting as a pathfinder (Beleuchter) have proven highly effective. By illuminating the target and marking it with target-marker bombs, crews can orient themselves precisely within the operational area, allowing them to execute attacks under optimal conditions. The accuracy of these strikes was excellent in every instance. Because the crews attack in rapid succession, the formations are generally able to verify their own strike results.

b)

With visibility less than 5 km/cloud base below 500 m, operations are rarely worthwhile, as the resulting flight difficulties and poor target-identification capabilities preclude effective dive-bombing attacks.

c)

During attacks in the immediate vicinity of the front line, it is crucial for our own troops to signal their positions—for instance, by using white flares —to indicate their location relative to the enemy.



 

Sunday, 25 October 2026

pilots of 1. /JG 11 in the Defence of the Reich under Kommodore Hermann Graf


An extract from Bertold Jochim's  biography ("200 Luftsiege in 13 Monaten", Moewig, 1998) of his former JG 11 Kommodore Hermann Graf. Graf returned a handful of claims in the 'defence of the Reich' before being shot down and injured on 29 March 1944. Jochim flew with 1./JG 11 and was shot down and injured on two occasions, the last on 27 June 1944 over the 'Invasionsfront' after claiming three P-51s downed. Post-war he was a journalist and co-founder of 'Der Landser' often criticised for presenting a 'sanitised' and 'idealised' view of the German Wehrmacht....


Below;  "At first glance, [Graf's] machine resembled an American Mustang; the camouflage paintwork had been imitated so skillfully. The Balkenkreuze on the fuselage and wings were almost completely obscured under a layer of the blue-grey paint..."



"..Despite their carefully couched phrasing, the reports from the Wehrmacht High Command in the ensuing period amounted to an unbroken series of grim tidings. This day, March 29, 1944, was no exception. The Kommodore of JG 11 switched off the radio. Images rose in his memory—images that would likely never be banished: Stalingrad, Pitomnik, the command train in the woods near Vinnitsa, his second meeting with Hitler and an animated conversation about German Shepherd dogs, the graves at the edges of makeshift airfields—in the Ukraine, in the Crimea, along the Dnieper, Donets, Terek, Volga, and Don! The faces of so many comrades before their final combat mission... Hermann Graf stood up and stepped outside, a leather jacket draped over his shoulders—a jacket that had once been brought to Germany by an American Mustang pilot. Between the lapels, the diamonds of his Knight’s Cross glittered. The tarmac of the Rotenburg airfield, near Bremen, lay bathed in the midday sun. At the 1. Staffel dispersal two BMW radial engines roared into life. A ground crew was working on several Focke-Wulf 190s that were being readied on the hangar apron for a new mission. 

 An hour earlier, these men had been part of a parade formation drawn up in a square in front of the command building. The occasion had been no ordinary one. Hptm. Hermichen, Kommandeur of I. Gruppe of JG 11, had been awarded the Knight's Cross—presented by the Kommodore himself, acting on behalf of the Reichsmarschall. Göring! That encounter in the woods near Vinnitsa would not be the last. Several others followed in the interim—including one at Berchtesgaden. A telex had summoned the then-commander of the Ergänzungsjagdgruppe Ost (Replacement Fighter Group East) from southern France: "Major Graf to report to the Reichsmarschall immediately!" So, a flight to Germany in an Me 109, followed by reporting to the small country house above the Plattenhof. Before that, a reunion with Major Herbert Ihlefeld, who had also been ordered to the audience. And then Göring’s urgent words: "Every day, a British Mosquito flies all the way down to Vienna, triggering air-raid alarms that paralyze our entire industry. You have to bring that damned bird down for me—and in one piece, too, so we can get our hands on its secret detection equipment." They had parted ways and given the matter some thought. Some time later, at an altitude of 12,000 meters over Groningen in the Netherlands, a high-altitude Me 109 G-10 fighter actually succeeded in intercepting one of the Mosquitos. Hermann Graf was at the controls. However, the pilot of the "Wooden Wonder"—as the British called this twin-engine aircraft, which was incredibly fast for the time—refused to comply with the order to land. All signals, such as lowering the landing gear served no purpose. So it was downed. A second Mosquito was shot up but the damaged aircraft retreated to Switzerland—where, reportedly, it remains to this day as a war souvenir.. Those days were in the past ! Just like the months spent with the high-altitude flight test unit in Wiesbaden, known as JG 50. That, too, was merely a stop along a path that seemed to have lost all direction. Flights to extreme altitudes, carrying that hellish mixture known as GM-1 on board every time. One day, there was even a world record: 14,300 metres, logged by five altigraphs. 

Yet, no one took much notice. After all, what did that matter at a time when a different German city was being ravaged by terrible air raids every single day? In the 1.Staffel crew barracks, they knew, too, that it wouldn’t be long now. The airfield loudspeakers had blared the order for "30-minute readiness" quite some time ago—a sign that the "heavies" were on their way again. Perhaps 500 or more of them—American Boeing B-17 bombers or "Liberators"—flying in wave after wave, with hundreds of escort fighters overhead. Scenes like this had become part of their daily routine— such hard-fought sorties that they could hardly be surpassed. For several months, they had been a "Defense of the Reich" unit. Their frontline airfield was located right in the heart of the homeland. Didn't that say it all? Some of them had previously flown missions over England, in Africa, the Mediterranean, Russia, or elsewhere. But what awaited them here eclipsed everything that had come before. Sitting by the window was Josef Zwernemann—known as "Jupp"—an Oberfeldwebel in Hermann Graf’s "Karaya Staffel" now an Oblt. and Kapitän of the 1st. He glanced across the room at the man he had accompanied on so many daring flights—most recently over Stalingrad. Near him sat a stocky Ofw. who had had the name "Jim" painted on the radio ear-cups of his flight helmet. No one knew why, yet that was what they called him. He had sent the first Flying Fortress plummeting to the ground on December 31, 1943, over the French fighter base at Corme-Écluse, near the Gironde estuary. Many more had followed in the months since. A few rays of sunlight flitted across his face, which still bore the traces of barely healed burn scars—souvenirs of the marksmanship of an American tail gunner who, two months earlier, had forced him to bail out over the Emsland moor. Separated from him by a Luftwaffe magazine and the corner of a table, Norbert Schücking lounged in an armchair. A rugged native of Holstein and an officer-cadet Feldwebel, he sat with his fur-lined boots stretched far out in front of him. His combat record was as remarkable as his penchant for speaking his mind. By now, he had resigned himself to the fact that his career would end at the rank of officer cadet.(Fahnenjunker) Beside the door stood a gaunt figure: Uffz. Koch, a farmer’s son from the heath who sometimes spoke fewer than twenty words in a month. He was never heard during missions, either. The best proof of his flying ability was the simple fact that he was still alive and could count himself among the "old hands" of the Staffel. That was not the case for the senior officer cadet standing by the door. They had whipped him through an accelerated training course in just a few months, moving him from a biplane to an Me 109 and then to an FW 190. His name was Dreizehner; he was barely twenty, and upon his arrival a week earlier, he had elicited nothing more than a pitying smile from the pen-pushers at the Gruppe operations center. After all, they knew the score when it came to these young fellows. Most of the time, they failed to return from their very first mission—so it wasn't worth the trouble of creating elaborate personnel files; the officers simply noted down the bare essentials, wished them luck, and saved themselves a great deal of work when, a few days later, news arrived of the new man's death. The man with the burn scars looked at the Oberfähnrich and felt pity for him. He could imagine the struggle the young pilot faced just trying to manoeuvre that powerful, hellish machine—the Fw 190—through the air. But how must he feel when the formations of four-engine bombers rose up from the horizon, with swarms of enemy fighters above them, and the first bursts of fire streaked past his cockpit? Or when, in the chaos of a dogfight, sky and earth spun dizzily, and shrill screams pierced the headphones—commands, curses, warnings, a final, rattling gasp? Wouldn't he drift through the high altitudes like a lost soul, separated from his flight leader, easy prey for some American Mustang, Thunderbolt, or Lightning? It was inevitable. 

(Blog note: Oberfähnrich Gerhard Dreizehner survived two months in the Defence of the Reich with 1./JG 11 and claimed five Viermots during this period. His 5th  - a B-17- was downed on this date, 29 March. He was KIA on 9 April 1944 in his Fw 190 A-7/R6 'white 13' - Luftkampf, Absturz bei Steinfeld, Krs. Schleswig 100% - see Jfv Teil 13/ V)

 Yet, on the other hand: didn't they themselves need every ounce of seasoned experience when caught in the cauldron of those air battles? Didn't they often have to scrape together the last shred of courage just to keep from surrendering in the face of that wall of aircraft fuselages and thousands of muzzle flashes? Could any attack on those staggered formations of four-engine bombers be seen as anything other than a form of suicide—a desperate gamble with fate? Was it not usually that sudden flare of rage—that desperate fury felt as hits slammed into one’s own machine—that drove a pilot through the defensive fire, compelled him to aim his illuminated sight at one of those massive aircraft silhouettes, and made him trigger his six onboard guns just a few hundred meters out? Or was there something else at play, something carried deep in the subconscious from one mission to the next? Was it perhaps also the recollection of devastated cities, the knowledge of the hundreds of thousands of innocents torn apart by American and British bombs or meeting a ghastly end in the firestorms of conflagrations? Whatever the reason, there was no point dwelling on it. Had things not reached the pass described so mockingly in that British leaflet: "Fortress Europe has no roof left"? Was there any way to stop those endless streams of enemy bombers—British by night, American by day? What good were all the shoot-downs when, for every destroyed aircraft, five others could be deployed for the next raid? And at what cost to our own side had those successes been won? Wasn't the end inevitably approaching? Had a single city ever been successfully spared from the hail of bombs? And how could that have been done anyway? With fifty planes against a thousand enemy ones? Sometimes even fewer? And on the fronts across Europe—didn't the situation look much the same? Kharkov was back in Russian hands; in September, the Allies had landed in Italy; that same month, Smolensk had to be abandoned, followed in October by the Kuban bridgehead, the Crimea...

Where, then, was the Führer’s much-vaunted military genius? Had he really sacrificed the 6th Army at Stalingrad, as some claimed? And here, in the so-called home war zone? Did he not see where this had to lead—with city after city being smashed and destroyed, along with the major armaments plants? Where was that new jet fighter, the Me 262—the one people spoke of as a true marvel? A machine that was supposed to be 200 kilometers per hour faster than any enemy fighter? Why didn't he have it put into serial production, given his reputed expertise in aeronautical engineering? And Göring—why did he do nothing? Was his mind really still stuck in the biplanes of the First World War? Did he really just reply "Yes, sir" when his leader made it clear to him that these jet aircraft were simply too fast for fighters—or so the rumors went? Did it not bother him that his best pilots were being relentlessly expended, and that even the great aces were being hounded to their deaths by American escort fighters that were vastly superior in both numbers and equipment? 

 What must the Major at the Geschwader command post over there have been thinking? He, with his more than 200 aerial victories? Or Galland, Lützow, Wilcke, Gollob, and all the others? Must their hearts not have bled as they witnessed this madness day after day? The Oberfähnrich smiled like a boy feeling embarrassment rise within him. He could have no inkling of the gruesome fate that would end his young life just two months later—in the fiery vortex of a crash-induced blaze. A few curses cut through the silence. Schücking, the Fahnenjunker-Feldwebel, had woken up. He glanced at the aviator’s watch on his wrist, pushed himself up, and walked to the window. Hermann Graf was still standing at the far edge of the airfield. Behind him stood his Me 109, in which he flew further missions day after day, despite the flight ban imposed on him. At first glance, the machine resembled an American Mustang; the camouflage paintwork had been imitated so skillfully. The Balkenkreuze on the fuselage and wings were almost completely lost under a layer of blue-gray paint. About three hundred meters away, Schücking shook his head;

 "He must be nuts!" ****

 Zwernemann stopped his brooding and turned around, a cigar clamped in the corner of his mouth.

 "Who?" 
"Him over there!"
".. the Kommodore?"
 "Yes!" 
 "And why's that?" 
 A sigh followed, then the explanation: 
"Because I want to know what else he could possibly want besides the Diamonds? Why the hell doesn't he just eat the nice, bland staff-officer rations like so many others who’ve got the Iron Cross First Class on their chests? Why does he sit in his crate almost every day—despite a ban on flying—and zip around between the Boeings and the escort fighters?"
 
 Zwernemann shrugged and studied the ash of his cigar. 

 "That’s just how he is. He always did it that way back in Russia, too. When the others flew, he had to fly as well." 

 The Fw. said nothing more. But one could tell from his face that this explanation hadn't satisfied him.

 What was the real story behind the man who, as a holder of the Knight's Cross with Oak Leaves, Swords, and Diamonds, continued to defy death? Was he truly "nuts," or did he, too, see fields of ruins or destroyed cities before every new mission his Geschwader flew? Or was he actually the arch-fascist the Russians sometimes made him out to be? He was certainly not the latter; he was something else entirely: a German. Something for which—depending on one's ideological standpoint—he might still be forgiven for today... "

( ****Original dialogue, paraphrased by the author from memory )




Thursday, 22 October 2026

Ogfr. Alfred Papendick, 7./JG 77 - archive photo scan #54

 


The main area of operations for JG 77 in late August-early September  1941 was the Berislav sector. Berislav was a town in southern Ukraine on the right bank of the Dnieper river. After days of bitter fighting, the German 11th Army occupied Berislav during the last few days of August.  River crossings began soon afterwards with JG 77 flying fighter cover. After the river crossing was successfully forced according to plan, German troops quickly managed to establish a bridgehead on the southern bank of the Dnieper, hold it against the Russian counterattacks that soon began, and even expand it. Meanwhile, heavy fighting continued in front of the bridgehead on the east bank of the Dnieper near Dnepropetrovsk; the Soviet Air Force was operating in great numbers here, causing significant trouble for German troops, particularly with its ground-attack aircraft. By 01 September the bridgehead on the south bank of the Dnieper had reached a depth of ten kilometres. There were persistent Soviet counter-attacks with tank and air support - JG 77 claimed some 19 victories on 01 September including two for Hptm. Mader and two for Lt. Freytag.  On 3 September the river crossing was significantly delayed by continuous Russian air raids, and in the afternoon, around 4:30 p.m., the pontoon bridge was put out of action for about six hours by a direct bomb hit. However the 'bridgehead' around Berislav was successfully consolidated, paving the way for an operational advance toward the Crimea. On Friday 05 September JG 77 filed seven claims in combats around Berislav. Ogfr. Alfred Papendick downed an 'I-16' for his second victory. It would be his last. Three days later, on 8 September 1941 he was shot down and killed in combat with Soviet fighters six kilometres west of Berislav at the controls of Bf 109 F-4 WNr. 7067 'black chevron+'.




These two unpublished images show Papendick's grave in the small German cemetery at Berislav and the wreck of his burnt-out Friedrich - note two Abschussbalken on the tail and the ship silhouette above these. 7. Staffel was of course Huy's Jabo unit so Papendick likely took part in the anti-shipping sorties flown by III. /JG 77, either around Crete a few months previously or against the Soviet Black sea fleet off the Crimean peninsula ..




Also on this blog;

All 58 posts covering the aces and planes of JG 77 on this blog can be accessed here




Saturday, 17 October 2026

The '1927' intake - the final call-up - remembering Fliegerkamerad Rolf Mink

 

A Memory of Fliegerkamerad Rolf Mink

 
On August 4, 1987, my comrade Rolf Mink would have turned 60. We first met on January 14, 1945, during a train journey from Eschwege to Stolpmünde on the Baltic coast. Several other young people boarded the same train, clinging to the deluded belief that they might one day become fighter pilots. Some were obsessed with flying; others had been shaped by the pitiless experiences of the war’s final months. As children, teenagers, Flakhelfer anti-aircraft auxiliaries, and conscripts in the Reich Labour Service, they had been exposed to the inferno of bombing raids over German cities. They had witnessed burning aircraft and wreckage, human beings turned into living torches, and pilots shot down. They had seen "Lightnings" and "Mustangs" hunting down locomotives—and anything else that moved on the roads or in the fields—with ruthless precision. 

 This was certainly not a time for the romanticized chivalry of champagne-toasting knights. From the admiring gazes cast upon the aviation idols—constantly held up as role models in words and images—there emerged a naive fantasy: that one could, as a fighter pilot, engage these fire-spewing swarms of bombers with a mixture of zeal and hatred. Such calls to action were issued in every conceivable form. Only a few of my comrades were fortunate enough to have realized, as early as 1933—at the age of six—that Hitler’s path would lead only to chaos. Scarcely any of my comrades from the 1927 cohort were ever aware back then that the war had already been lost for Germany since 1941. And for many of my comrades, they had little time left to live. The harsh realities of life for the youth of that era may not fit well into today’s worldview, but they cannot be erased from our history. It was a time when boys of the same age, suffering from severe wounds, would call out for their mothers and for God. And these were the final days of the madness—a time when these boys, often driven by a primal instinct for survival, became unsung heroes.  

 But what about Rolf? Perhaps we had already crossed paths on May 1, 1944, during the aptitude testing for Luftwaffe officer candidates in Bad Blankenburg, Thuringia. For some of the applicants—who had spent months in gruelling service as anti-aircraft auxiliaries—the youthful innocence typical of sixteen- and seventeen-year-olds had already vanished from their faces. The term "assault fighter" (Sturmjäger) began to circulate among the candidates. But by the time they were traveling by freight train in goods wagons from Stolpmünde to Gardelegen, the dream of flying had come to an end. In the former paratrooper training hall in Gardelegen, the full tragedy and the looming sense of hopelessness became starkly apparent. Right next to us youngsters lay or sat numerous "old hands", former airmen, awaiting their final 'missions' —this time as infantrymen for the Luftwaffe. Few of us knew that these final ground operations meant almost certain death.


'Ein Traum!' ; January 1945 on the journey to Stolpmünde young Flakhelfer hoping to complete fighter pilot training.



 A few days later, Rolf became my bunkmate at the Flechum training camp near Haselünne. We were now members of the 2nd Paratrooper Replacement and Training Regiment III, under the immediate command of an Oblt. Schulz and a Lt. Waldier. Often after duty hours, or while lying in the lower bunk of our two-tiered beds, Rolf and I would engage in long conversations. What I learned about the young Rolf during these chats was—and remains to this day—truly fascinating: his father, who had served as a pilot with *Schlachtstaffel 10* (a ground-attack squadron) in 1917–1918 and was later shot down and killed in 1944 while ferrying a Morane aircraft, had introduced his son to the secrets of flight at an early age. By the time he was four or five, Rolf was already accompanying his father in powered aircraft; by seven, he was flying in gliders. At the age of eleven, while at the Harsberg gliding school, Rolf earned the "B" badge—represented by two wings—and shortly thereafter, the "C" badge. He had already passed his "A" badge examination at the age of nine. Back then, in 1939, Rolf was considered the youngest glider pilot in Germany—and, indeed, the world. It was often quite an amusing sight to watch little Rolf climb into a glider, wearing a crash helmet that was far too big for him, along with his parachute. "He always had to look up to tall people, yet they, in turn, would usually gaze down at the little fellow with genuine admiration." He had come to know all the great figures of aviation—from the unforgettable 'father of the Rhön' [gliding movement], Ursinus, to the virtuoso of the skies, Wolf Hirth. For Rolf, 'flying' had become a word that pointed toward the future. He dreamed of becoming a fighter pilot. Whether this had also been his ambition during peacetime, I never learned.

 The final days of my former comrade Rolf’s life unfolded like a time-lapse film, and his death confirmed his own dark premonitions. Sometime in March 1945, our company arrived in Holland. The days that followed were defined by the roar of V-1 flying bombs and the hissing of V-2 rockets, accompanied by the incessant clanking of enemy tank tracks. Our company was decimated; we were ordered to make our way—in small groups—toward the Teutoburg Forest. From there, or so the word went, a great counteroffensive would be launched, utilizing the new 'wonder weapons'…

 At some point, in some place—quietly and without a word of farewell—the paths of Rolf and myself diverged. 

 1939 on the Wasserkuppe: Wolf Hirth with Rolf Mink—the youngest glider pilot in the world, having earned his "C" badge at the age of eleven. 



 On April 8, 1945, at 2:00 p.m., Rolf Mink was wounded by a gunshot to the abdomen near Recke, by the Mittelland Canal—on home soil. On April 11, 1945, at 12:30 pm., he passed away from his severe wounds. A written record states: "His mortal remains were laid to rest that same day at 4:00 p.m. with military honours. The body bears an unmarked identification tag and the Segelfliegerabzeichen (glider pilots badge) featuring three swallows." Rolf was not yet 18 years old. 

 by Wolfgang Koch in Jägerblatt 5/87